THE GOODLUCK NIGERIA NEED IN GOODLUCK JONATHAN’S PRESIDENCY

Give a child a good name and he shall live to actualize it, this is presently the testimony of the Ebele Jonathan’s Family. Born in the quiet small village of Otuoke in Bayelsa State, Dr Goodluck Jonathan has risen to epitomize the power in a name. From a humble University Lecturer Position, to Deputy Governor and Governor Position in Bayelsa State, to Vice President and Acting President of Nigeria, to Chairman Economic Community of West African States, the future is still very bright and the best is yet to come. The Goodluck in Acting President Jonathan is the secret of his success. So humble and ever ready to serve, but, never desperate for power, yet benefiting from unquestionable upliftment.
As the first Ijaw man from the Oil rich but crisis ridden Niger Delta to occupy the Presidential Position in Nigeria, much is expected from his leadership. As we swing to and fro in the ocean of backwardness, corruption and maladministration, Nigeria needs a torch of the Goodluck in Jonathan. To write his name boldly in the good books of history, there is urgent need to overhaul our electoral system and get things right, creating a conducive atmosphere for peaceful and credible elections. The lingering Niger Delta crisis must also be nib in the bud by creating sustainable development and cleaning of the environment. More so it is time to fight corruption to its lowest minimum, uphold the rule of law, provision of basic social infrastructure, availability of affordable petroleum products, security of lives and property, improvement in the educational sector and general improvement in the standard of living of the average Nigerian.
We need the GOODLUCK in Acting President JONATHAN, even as we eagerly expect the manifestation of so many Baby Goodlucks’ that now abound in Nigerian Families.

OIL ,MILITANCY AND POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES IN THE NIGER DELTA.

[Draft: comments welcome]
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
1.2 Statement of problem
1.3 Objective of the study
1.4 Research hypothesis
1.5 Theoretical framework
1.6 Significance of the study
1.7 Research methodology
1.8 Scope/Limitations of the study
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Politics
2.2 Development
2.3 Oil
2.4 Oil and development
2.5 Oil and development efforts in the Niger Delta
2.6 Resource agitations in the Niger Delta
2.7 Militancy
CHAPTER THREE: MILITANCY IN THE NIGER DELTA
3.1 Origin of militancy in the Niger delta
3.2 Typologies of militants in the Niger Delta
3.2.1 Peaceful resource agitations - militancy
3.2.2 Political thugs - militancy
3.2.3 Cult group - militancy
3.3 Sources of funding of militancy
CHAPTER FOUR: MILITANCY AND POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES IN THE NIGER DELTA
4.1 Militancy and the Nigerian Economy
4.2 Militancy and political opportunities in the Niger delta
4.3 The presidential amnesty programme and militancy,
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary
5.2 Conclusion
5.3 Recommendations













OIL, MILITANCY, AND POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES IN THE NIGER DELTA.
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, is indisputably one of the most richly endowed countries on the continent. It boasts of immense resources (human and material) which provides opportunity for national development (Oyakorotu, 2008:1). But one issue that has continued to attract national and global attention in recent times is the spate of militancy in the Niger Delta. The frequent attacks on Oil installations and facilities by militant groups spread over 500 camps in the region have become a source of concern to peace lovers, scholars and policy makers alike.
Nigeria no doubt is a petro dollar state. That is a monocultural economy that depends solely on oil. Be that as it may, the wealth that sustains the Nigerian economy ever since oil displaced agricultural resources as the mainstay of the nation’s economy is produced in the Niger Delta, located in the Southern part of the country.
A delta in simple parlance describes an area cris- crossed by Rivers, Rivulets and Creeks which empty themselves into the sea or ocean. The Niger Delta of Nigeria is among the richest deltas in the world. Other major deltas are either famous for crude oil and natural gas (Amazon in Brazil, Orionoco in Venezuela, Mississippi in the U.S.A., Mahakarn in Indonesia) or grow mainly rice (e.g. Indus in Pakistan, Ganges in Bangladesh, Mekong in Vietnam)(Petters,2006:1)
The Niger Delta which derives its name from the River Niger, is one of the world largest wetlands and African s largest Delta covering some 70, 000km2 formed by the accumulation of sedimentary deposits transported by the Niger and Benue Rivers (Azaiki, 2007:1 World Bank Report, 1993:1). The hydrology of the region is determined by the tides of the Atlantic Ocean and the flood regime of the River Niger. The ecosystem is particularly sensitive to changes in water quality, such as salinity or pollution to changes in hydrology. The Niger Delta communities have settled in the area for many millennia with the Ijaws being the oldest group, having lived there for over 7,000 years (Alagoa, 2000:3).
There are different conceptualizations of the Niger Delta. According to the Willinks Commission Report (1958), “The Niger Delta lies within the Ibo Plateau and the Cross River valley: a geographical entity which covers the present Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers State”. Conceptualizing the Niger Delta from a different perspective, publication of the defunct Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) reads that:
… The River Niger disgorges its waters into the Atlantic Ocean through a large number of tributaries which form the Niger Delta. The area of the Delta is further enlarged by rivers other than tributaries of the Niger. Calabar River, Cross River and Imo River to the East, and Siluko River, Benin river, Escravos River and River Forcados, to the West (OMPADEC Quarterly Report, 1993:80).

From the OMPADEC perspective, the River Niger, its tributaries and other rivers which have enlarged the area of the Niger Delta, define the scope of the area. It therefore posits that the Niger Delta is made up of at least 7 States- Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Akwa-Ibom, Cross River, Ondo and Edo States.
In a similar vein, the successor to OMPADEC, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) advanced a broader but widely refuted definition of the Niger Delta. The NDDC Act (2000) described the Niger Delta as consisting of Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers State. This conceptualization places the Niger Delta as synonymous with oil producing states in Nigeria, which it is not. It is imperative to note that, with State creation and Boundary Adjustments, some Niger Delta communities are now located outside the widely accepted six (Bayelsa, Delta, Rivers, Akwa-Ibom, Cross river and Edo States) Niger Delta states just as oil politics has drawn non-Niger Delta communities into the boundaries of the region. Over 20 million people inhabit the area, with over 20 ethnic groups and 800 communications (Okoko and Ibaba, 1997:57). Be that as it may, the area accepted as the Niger Delta for the purpose of this study is what some scholars and Niger Deltans alike describes as the “Core Niger Delta”. That is, states geographically characterized predominantly or to an extent with deltaic features such as: Bayelsa, Rivers and part of Delta State. The ethnic groups in the region include, the Ijaw, Isoko, Itsekiri, Ogoni, Urhobo, Ikwerre, Epic/Atissa, Ogbia etc.
The Niger Delta is the hub of oil and gas production in Nigeria, accounting for about 80% of total Government Revenue, 95% of Foreign Exchange and over 80% of National Wealth (Tell, February 18, 2008:33). The oil Industry in the Niger Delta is dominated by multinational corporations such as Chevron, Texaco, Exxon-Mobil, Totoal, Agip, SPDC, ELF and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Presently, there are over 600 Oil fields, 5,284 Onshore and Offshore Oil Wells, 10 Export Terminals, 275 Flow Stations, 4 Refineries and a Liquefied National Gas Project (Lubeck, Watts and Lipschits. As at 2007, Statistics shows that about 23,183.9 billion barrels of Crude Oil were said to have been produced in the Niger Delta, which amounts to a staggering National revenue of 29.8 trillion naira (TELL, February 18, 2008:28).
Paradoxically, despite the abundance wealth the region parade, which is the fiscal basis of the Nigerian State, majority of Niger Deltans live in a state of chronic want. The region epitomizes one of the extreme situations of poverty and under development in the mist of plenty. Infrastructural development is very low, while poverty and unemployment levels are very high. The poverty level is about 80 percent, and unemployment level ranks 70 percent. Access to basic social amenities is very limited. For example, over 80 percent of the coastal or riverine communities’ source water for drinking, cooking and other domestic users, from polluted rivers, streams and lakes that is equally used for disposing of human and other forms of waste. The upland communities largely drink from shallow wells that are contaminated. Indeed, the Niger Delta falls below the national average, in all measures or indicators of development (Ibaba, 2005:13-14). The costs of living in the Niger Delta, is very high, and even the prices of petroleum products is one of the highest in the country.
Unlike other oil producing nations of the world, oil has been a curse to the people of the Niger Delta. Its exploration and exploitation since 1958 has set in political ecological and socio-economical conditions that generate abject poverty, misery and backwardness in the region. The region has over the years been deprived of peace, progress, justice and its resources that were expected to bring about good life to is inhabitants (Inokoba and Imbua, 2008:647). Prior to the discovery and exploration of oil and gas resources in the region, the primary occupation of the people was fishing and farming. It is however sad to note that, oil exploration and exploitation has destroyed the subsistence economy of the people. Testimonies from various quarters lend credence to the claim that environmental degradation occasioned by oil spillages has made life extremely difficult for the local people. The destruction of farmlands, fishponds and rivers had radically altered the economic life of the once self reliant and productive region for the worst (Okonta and Oronto, 2001:108).
Put differently, the unbridled exploitation of crude oil and natural gas beneath the lands of the Niger Deltans over the past fifty years has cause indescribable and irredeemable ecological devastation of the Niger Delta land. Oil related environmental multidimensional problems that have made life unbearable for the people of the Niger Delta includes: water and land pollution as a result of spills and drilling activities, destruction of vegetations, deforestation, displacement of human settlements as a result of installation and location of exploration facilities such as crude oil and gas carrying pipes that cris-crossed most communities in the regions, loss of bio-diversity such as fauna and flora habitat; destruction of mangrove swamps and salt marsh, air polluting and acid vain from oil and gas processing evaporation and flaring; industrial solid waste disposal and several others (Azaiki, 2003). For instance, the consumption of food and water from this poisoned environment has led to the emergence of new disease that are devastating to the health of the people of the region. The result of this is poor fecundity and lower life expectancy in the Niger Delta. Recent studies in Bayelsa and Delta state shows that, there is one medical doctor for every 150,000 inhabitants. Oil has wrought only poverty, state violence and a dying ecosystem (Okonta, 2005).
Inspired by the above existential realities in the region, Niger Deltans began to make demands on the Nigerian State and Multinational oil companies operating in the area to better their lot. But instead of redress, the people were visited with State violence, repression and brutalization. The invasion and occupation of Niger Delta communities such as Umuechem, Ogoni Land, Opia, Tombra, Kaiama, Soku, Odi, Odioma, Agee, Gbaramatu and Oporoza etc by the Nigerian Military captures reality. Therefore, it is not surprising that the consciousness of exploitation, marginalization and disempowerment has made the Niger Delta a region of deep rooted frustration, hence the escalating crisis. The truth is that, it is the long decades of the Nigerian State trivialization of the genuine and peaceful agitations of the Niger Deltans that metamorphosed to the violent militant phase of oil agitations in the region. That is, the refusal of the Nigerian state to respond positively to the pens and placards of the Harold Dappapiriye and the Ken Saro-Wiwa’s era, has created an environment of anger and desperation. Moreso, the dialogue option has equally failed because the Nigerian State have refused to adequately implement numerous blue prints for development in the region. The armed insurrection against the Nigerian state was formally launched after the 1998 Kaiama Declaration. Comprising mostly of ethnic militias of which over 70% are of the Ijaw ethnic origin, the youths accuse the state, and in tandem the oil and gas ventures of systematic looting at their God given resources, destruction of the ecosystem and marginalization (Onoyume, 2007). The youths have therefore militarized the struggle to develop their backward environment and to secure greater control of oil revenue derived from the region. This led to the establishment of armed groups operating under such names as Egbesu Boys, MEINBUTU, Arogbo freedom fighters, Joint Revolutionary Council, Niger Delta Volunteer Force, and the dreaded Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). The activities of this militant groups has serious implications to peace and security in the region, oil exploitation, national revenue profit and other derivatives and that will be the core of our study.
1.2 Statement of Problem
Nigerian is the Jewel in the African Oil crown, but Oil and militancy in the Niger Delta has become a subject of discussion just like the British weather. Whereas the oil produced in the Niger Delta, is the life blood of the Nigerian economy, oil has failed to translate to regional prosperity and development in the Niger Delta. The region has become a hot bed of crisis because the problems of neglect and marginalization have been pushing the people to resist deprivations, intimidation and domination, hegemonic politics and injustice.
Scholars have focused on oil production, the poor state of development in the Niger delta and the resultant militancy in vogue for some time now. The literature blames this on federalism and the politics of revenue sharing in Nigeria (Okoko and Nna, 1997; Orabator etal, 2006, Ikporukpo, 1996; Ibaba, 2005); environmental injustices and human rights violation (Aaron, 2006, Okonta and Oronto, 2001), the failure of corporate social responsibility on the part of multinational oil companies (Ikelegbe, 2008, Aaron, 2008, Clark, et al 1999); accountability and transparency failures in governance (Peel, 2005; Inokoba and Imbua, 2008; Enweremadu, 2008); hegemonic politics (Isumonah, 2005) and the obnoxious laws that govern the oil industry (Ibaba, 2005). It is this prevailing reality in the Niger delta that has given birth to an environment of perpetual agitations, youth’s restiveness, insurgency and general insecurity.
From the dialectics of violent oil agitations (militancy) in the Niger Delta, two major arguments appear discernable. One, that violent oil agitation is as a result of the Nigerian government’s application of force in quelling non-violent agitations/protests of Niger Deltans against the state of gross underdevelopment of the area that arose from the neglect by both Federal Government and Multinational oil companies operating in the area. We must reiterate the fact that, the tremendous amount of oil revenue derived from the Niger Delta costs the people their farm lands, fishing rivers and a host of other health hazards (like acid rain) due to the enormous environmental degradation caused by oil production activities of petrol businesses. References are usually made to government violent actions such as the incarceration and attendant execution of Ken Saro-wiwa and eight other activists of 1995, the Aleibiri Demonstration Crisis 1997; the Kaiama Declaration crisis of 1998; the Opia/Ikiyan invasion of 1999, the Odi invasion of 1999, the deployment of naval war ships to Warri by the Federal Government to quell the Ijaw-Itsekiri crisis over the revocation of Warri-South Local Government Council Headquarters from Ogbe-Ijoh, and Ijaw town to Ogidegben, an Itsekiri town, the arrest and detention of Asari Dokubo, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, Henry Okah, etc (Oweila, 2009; Nwabueze, 1999; Ibeanu, 2000; Akpan, 2006; Clark, 2007; Azaiki, 2009).
The second side of the argument asserts that, militancy in the Niger Delta in the form of hostage taking kidnapping, pipeline vandalism, hijacking, etc is as a result of frustration due to lack of education, poverty, unemployment and idleness of the youths in the region. It there for contends that militants are not fighting for the socio-economic and political emancipation of the region, but simply to enrich themselves (Ibeanu, 2000; Koroye, 2007; Akanfa, 2007; Igini, 2008; Bariagh Amange, 2009). The fundamental question that begs for answers is that, on which side of the argument does the truth lie? There is thus the need to critically investigate and establish the true situation, which this study seeks to achieve.
Experience has shown that scholars have not really focused on the process of militant making/formation and the typologies of militants produced in the region. Again, not much has been done to unravel the link between the clamour by the South-South to produce the President of the country during the build up to the 2007 general elections, the support of the above demand by militant groups and the attendant emergence of Goodluck Jonathan, a minority from the Niger Delta as Vice President of Nigeria. The study seeks to fill this existing knowledge gap. More so, the study will critically investigate whether militancy has influenced the distribution of political power and enhanced the political opportunities of the Niger Delta people. To achieve this, the study will attempt to answer, the following research questions.
(a) What factors explains Niger Delta underdevelopment in the mist of abundance oil and gas resources?
(b) What is the nature of oil agitations in the Niger Delta?
(c) Why the Babel of voices in militant agitations?
(d) Has militancy enhanced political opportunities in the Niger Delta?
(e) Has militancy given Niger Deltans a voice in national politics?
(f) Is militancy accommodated by the political class in the Niger Delta?
(g) Will the Presidential Amnesty package be a permanent solution to militancy in the region?
(h) What is the way forward in the Niger Delta region?
1.3 Objectives of the study
The fundamental objective of the study is to investigate the oil exploration/exploitation and militancy nexus in the Niger delta. The study will also examine the process of militants’ creation cum formation, the attendant categories, and their activities in the Niger Delta. More so, the study will ascertain whether militancy has enhanced political opportunities in the Niger Delta in terms of attainment and maintenance of political power.
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
Hypothesis in research connotes: an intelligent guess, a tentative answer in explaining social phenomenon, or untested generalization. Therefore, for purpose of guidance, we wish to deduce the following hypothesis.
(a) The violent oil agitation in the Niger Delta is the creation of long years of neglect, marginalization and environmental degradation despite the regions contribution to the nation’s common wealth (economy).
(b) Militancy has enhanced political opportunities in the Niger Delta.
(c) The Presidential Amnesty programme will not succeed if the root causes of militancy are not addressed.

1.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The Marxist Political Economy approach is deemed fit to be adopted as the analytical construct in this study. The reason has been that, the approach scientifically studies the society in its totality and takes into consideration the interconnection of social relations, class conflict and the organic relationship between the sub-structure (economy) and the super structure (politics).
Political economy is concerned with the social laws of production and distribution (Lange, 1974:7). The Marxist political economy approach is a holistic, historical orientation, which is used for the analysis of social formations and their contradicting relationships. It mainly focuses on the economic laws which govern the production and distribution of material benefits among individuals and groups at different stages of development of society (Iwarimie, 1991:50). Put differently, the approach is seen as the window to understand the laws that govern the economic life of the society. It explains the relationship between what man produce and how he benefits from the surplus he produce. The approach show how the various parts of the superstructure are used as instruments of the ruling class domination, and as mechanism of oppression of the subject class.
According to Ake (1981), a major advantage of this approach is that, it emphasizes the relatedness of social phenomena. This links exist between the economic structure and social structure. More so, the approach helps to penetrate deep into the processes and policies, lay bare their essence and then explain concrete forms of their manifestation.
In essence the political economy approach will unravel the oil production and lack of development paradox in the Niger Delta, which is attributed to the obnoxious laws that governs the oil industry, the lopsided federalism and revenue allocation mechanism in the country, neglect and marginalization of the ethnic minorities that bear the burden of oil exploration and exploitation, etc. It will also explain the lack of political will on the part of the federal government to develop the region.
On the other hand, the history of all hitherto existed society is the history of class struggle (Marx, 1977). Thus, the class analysis framework of the approach best explains the endemic class struggle between the exploiters (Federal Government and Oil Multinationals) and the exploited Niger Deltans. According to Marxist thought, consciousness means man’s ability to ideally reproduce in his mind the surrounding reality existing beyond and independent of him, the production of which is engendered by contradictions (domination, exploitation and marginalization in society. It posits that the dominated, exploited and marginalized groups, which paradoxically generated or bears the burden of creating resources, seeks to change the status quo when it becomes conscious (Libman and Borisox, 1985:125; Marx and Engels, 1977; Luckac, 1968).
It is imperative to note that the consciousness of exploitation is enhanced by the movement of a class from a class-in-itself, an unconscious class category, to a class-for-itself (which is a conscious class category). The above explanation also captures the transition from Ethnic group-in-itself to Ethnic group-for-itself. (Ibaba, 2005:25). Therefore, the agitations (now very violent) in the Niger Delta by the ethnic minorities are attributed to the consciousness of exploitation and the struggle to change the status quo. Ken Saro-wiwa buttresses this point when he opined that:
There is tremendous awareness in Ogoni now… there is no woman or child who does not know… that the Nigerian government is cheating them and that the ethnic majorities in Nigeria are cheating them… They also know that … something has to be done to stop it… (Cited in Ibaba, 2002:83).

More so, it is the frustration of the initial peaceful agitations inability to realize set goals that necessitated the violent militant agitations in vogue. The argument is that, psychology teaches that frustration creates worry which in turn leads to anger and ultimately violence (Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis), which captures reality in the Niger Delta.

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The significance of the study is hinged on the fact that, the findings will fill an existing knowledge gap; hence a contribution to knowledge as regards the militant crisis in the Niger Delta. It will aid better understanding of the causative factors in the lingering oil agitation crisis and proffer solutions. Lastly, the study will unravel socio-political developments attributed to the crisis.

1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This study falls under the survey research typology. Data will be sourced basically from secondary sources such as: Textbooks, Journals, Magazines, Newspapers, and Government Publication etc, that are relevant to the subject matter. The Personal observation of the researcher about issues that characterize the militant crisis in the Niger Delta is also an advantage. Content analysis will be adopted as the instrument for data analysis.
1.8 SCOPE/LIMITATION OF STUDY
Ideally, the first pre-requisite of a successful research in any science is a definite understanding of what size of a unit one is going to observe in line with the above premise and considering the fact that the Niger Delta will be too large for such vigorous study in a limited time-span, the study therefore shall be limited to the core Niger Delta (Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers State). The study will thus investigate oil and development in the area, the nature of oil agitations, and assess political opportunities in the pre-militancy and militancy era in the region.







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OIL, MILITANCY AND THE AMNESTY POLITICS IN THE NIGER DELTA.

Abstract
The Niger Delta is the focal point of Oil and gas production in Nigeria, and the region epitomizes a dialectics of wealth and power. Where as, the wealth generated from the ethnic minorities populated region is the heart of the Nigerian economy, the area paradoxically wallows in abject poverty, marginalization and underdevelopment. Hence, the advent of restive and militant groups that presently characterizes the region. The crisis in the Niger Delta is multifaceted. And the present militant oil agitations in vogue, spearheaded by frustrated, hopeless and deprived youths has serious impact on the Nigerian economy, resulting in dwindling oil revenues. Therefore, to pacify the militant groups and guarantee the flow of oil and gas production, the Federal Government of Nigeria granted amnesty to all militants in the Niger Delta that swell up the rank and file of MEND, NDPVF, COMA, JRC, NDV, etc. This paper argues that, due to the deplorable condition of the Niger Delta amidst the wealth that it produce to sustain the nation, the Nigerian state has no moral cum legal justification to brand freedom fighters as criminals and granting them amnesty. More so, if the very obvious lack of development and repressive measures in the Niger Delta are adequately addressed to better the lot of the region been that, the consciousness of exploitation and backwardness is on the increase in the area, thus insincerity or the promotion of temporary measures cannot put a stop to oil agitations by militants. The paper concludes that, what is actually needed in the region is unity of purpose, accountability and total commitment to the developmental needs of the region and not the politicization of amnesty. Again, due to the widespread culture of militancy and other social vices in the region, government should evolve modalities to re-socialise the youthful population affected by the militant mentality to avert future occurrences.

Keywords: Oil, Militancy, Amnesty and Niger Delta.

INTRODUCTION
The Niger Delta obviously is the most social and delicate in the socio-economic and political discourse of Nigeria over a decade. History has it that quest to harness the oil and gas resources in the region started in 1909 when the first oil exploration works began in the Southern part of Nigeria. With the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914 which led to the emergences of the Nigerian state, and the enactment of the Mineral Acts in the same year the central government declared autonomy over oil resources within its territory subsequently, licenses and leases were granted to British companies and individuals to explore oil. By 1937, Shell was given the entire land space to prospect for oil. She struck its first oil deposit in commercial quantity in Oloibiri in 1956 and, thereafter, in Afam Bomu and Ebubu, while the oil exports started in 1958 (Nwaomah, 2009).
However, a significant inquiry must be made in observing the identity of the Niger Delta. The region which derives its name from River Niger, is one of the world largest Wetlands covering some 70,000km2 formed by the accumulation of sedimentary deposits transported by the Niger and Benue Rivers (Azaiki, 2007:1; World Bank Report, 1993:1). Alagoa (2000:3) noted that the Niger Delta communities have settled in the area for many millennia with the Ijaws being the oldest group, having lived there for over 7,000 years.
More so, other responses and interests have defined it using ecological features. This refers to the region that records an annual rainfall average 4.0mm. The regions regarded by some as the core of Niger Delta include Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers State. (Oku,2003). Geographically, the Niger Delta consists of areas identified with deltaic characteristics in the Southern part of Nigeria which included Bayelsa, Rivers, Delta, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo and Ondo States (Okoko and Ibaba 1997:57). However, Nwaomah (2009) opine that it is expanded to include all geographical expanse of land between the Benin River and the Cross River, covering an area of about 70,000 square kilometres that cuts across nine of the states of Nigeria. These according to Fubara (2002) are Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers. The identification includes all oil producing states and is described as the political “Niger Delta”.
Today, oil and gas production remain central to the effective functioning of the Nigeria state, paradoxically the oil producing states within federated Nigeria have benefited the least from these oil wealth and by extension affected the inhabitants of the region. According to the Untied Nations development Programme, Niger Delta is a region, suffering from administrative neglect, crumbling social infrastructure and services, high unemployment, social deprivation, abject poverty, filth and squalor and economic conflict. It is against this background that various attempts have been made by the leaders of the region calling for redress in various fora. These include Ogoni Bill of Right (1990), the Kaiama Declaration (1998) among others.
However, all these agitations hardly resulted to any positive response on the part of the central government but instead the agitation was met with state violence and that resulted to the militant approaching the youths in the region. For instance, the movement MEND first emerged in December 2005 when it took credit for blowing up an oil pipeline in Delta State. It is not clear who activated the group or coined its name.
Since 2006, a little known militant groups have emerged in Nigeria oil Niger Delta making life difficult for international oil companies in the region. Their activities include errant violent movements, sea piracy and bunkering of oil installations, agitation for resources, control, hostage taking of foreign and local oil workers, communal clashes among others. Infact, these activities, majority of them negates the image it tries to convey.
The implication of these activities among others is instability and lost of resources. In an effort to bring peace and free flow of oil in the region, the Nigerian government initiated an amnesty programme. The program required militants to surrender their arms and in turn are pardon for their activities. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to understudy the moral and legal justification behind the amnesty granted to the militant youths. The study is structured in the following manner. Introduction conceptual clarification of politics, militancy and amnesty, the militant crisis in Nigeria, amnesty politics in Niger Delta and conclude with the means at sustaining peace in the post amnesty era. The paper employs descriptive and analytical method.

Conceptual Clarifications
Amnesty
The term amnesty comes from the Greek word “amnestia” which means “a forgetting”. The word has the same root as “amnesia” which stipulate freedom or the time prisoners can go free (World Book Encyclopaedia, 2000). Throughout history various governments of the world have granted amnesty most especially in restoring unity after a war or an internal uprising. One of the earliest recorded incidents were amnesty was used dates back to 403B.C in Greek city state when Thrasybulus declared amnesty to all citizens except the thirty tyrants who over throw their rulers (World Book Encyclopaedia, 2003). Subsequently, American government over the years had used amnesty to grant reprieves and pardon for offences against the United States.
Amnesty is a legislative or executive act by which a state restore those who one way or the other have been found guilty of an offence against it to the positions of innocent people (www.wikipedia.org). it include more than pardon, in as much as it obliterate all legal remembrance of the offence. Similarly, it forget fullness, cessation of remembrance of wrong; oblivion an act of the sovereign power granting oblivion, or a general pardon for a past offences, as to subjects concerned in an insurrection (en.wiktionary.org) whereas in law, it is the exception from prosecution for criminal action. It entails forgiveness and forgetting of past action (Law Encyclopaedia). At this point, criminals are offered a promise of immunity from prosecution on the premise they reciprocate and abandon their unlawful activities.
It is important to note that amnesty and pardon are used interchangeably but in practice, the two usage overlaps in the sense that an amnesty is granted before prosecution takes effect, while on the other hand, pardon comes after the prosecution. More so, amnesty could be extended when the authority decides that bringing citizens into compliance with a law is advantageous than pursuing for previous offences. These include, avoiding expensive prosecutions, encouraging violators to come forward who might otherwise eluded the government, and most importantly promoting reconciliation between the society and the offenders. Similar to the latter is the initiative taken by the federal government of Nigeria where individuals or militants in the Niger Delta are encouraged to turn over illicit items to the authorities, base on the mutual agreement that they will not be prosecuted for parading arms. The essence of this gesture is to reduce the number of firearms in circulation and at the same time promote peace in the region.
In a nutshell, amnesty is a political undertone taking by government in which persons who have committed criminal offences that threatened the sovereignty of state are granted oblivion from prosecution.
POLITICS
The conception of politics is essentially contested in social sciences. Reason has been that it has different connotation and interpretation to individuals and scholars alike. Despite various definitions propounded by political scientists, non is comprehensive and adequate enough to explain the subject matter, because virtually all have been found wanting either being too general and uncertain or too narrow and excluding some issues of politics that are regarded important to scholars (Ayeni-Akeke, 2008:1). That is, the complex nature of politics has made it much difficult to arrive at an acceptable definition.
To the earliest philosophers like Plato and Aristotle, politics is posited in idealistic terms. According to Aristotle, “man by nature is a political animal” This stipulate that the essence of social existence is politics and that where two or more men are interacting with one another, they are invariably involved in political relationship. Therefore, are fashioning a structurally and functionally perfect human community that could be motivated at all time by the quest to promote justice and happiness for all her citizens.
Again politics is viewed as the exercise of power and influence. Infact, they are regarded as the quintessence of political phenomena because we cannot defuse power and influence from politics as they are found anywhere political activities evolve. The third argument on politics is that championed by David Easton. He conceived politics as activities by which scarce resources and values are distributed among members of the society. To him, politics is the authoritative allocation of values and resources to the society (Easton David, 1965). Another perspective of politics is the view supported by Karl Marx. It is regarded as the struggles between social classes to capture and exercise the powers of the state. According to Marx, conflicts often arise between the classes because, the dominant class use the resources of the state to dominate, exploit and rule the proletariats.
While the final view associates politics, with disputes, competition and conflict over methods and goals of society (Ayeni-Akeke, 2008). The argument here is that the resources of the state is scarce, therefore can not go round to the satisfaction of all. In an attempt to capture or acquire the resources competition disputes and conflict thus occur among the social forces all in quest to maximize their interest. The illustration above stipulates that politics is very broad as well as dynamic and interactive.

Military
Militancy is the state of being militant. The term “militant state” refers to an individual holding an aggressive posture in support of an ideology or cause. Such individuals or group of persons in a psychologically militant state is in a physically aggressive posture (en.wiktionary.org) put simply, a militant view most occasions in an attempt to pursue it objective is confrontational.
However, the concept militant is derived from the Latin words “militare” meaning “to serve as a soldier” (wikipedia). The term has been used rigorously active and aggressive especially in support of a cause. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English defined Militant as “having a Combative character; aggressive, especially in the service of a cause”. Similarly, the Merriam- Webster Dictionary sees it as “aggressively active (as in a cause)”. It goes further to say that the word militant might be typically be used in phrases such as “militant conservationist” or “a militant attitude”.
More so, militant is used as a term for warriors who perhaps do not associate themselves to any established military institution (world Book Encyclopaedia). Their activities are thus classified as terrorist. It is equally important to know that all movements seeking to adopt military in its approach share common tactics. These characteristics most especially, in cause of promoting political philosophy employ force or violent directly or indirectly in offence and defence. They also justify the use of force in the ideological rhetoric of their various groups (wikipedia). The method of enrolment includes volunteering, enlistment and conscription.
OIL AND MILITANCY CRISIS IN THE NIGER DELTA
Whereas Nigeria is the jewel in the African oil crown, oil and militancy in the Niger Delta region of the country has become a subject of discussion just like the British weather.
The Niger Delta is the hub of oil and gas production in Nigeria, accounting for about 95% of foreign exchange earnings, 95% of National Budget, 80% of total Government and over 80% of National Wealth (TELL, February 18, 2008:33). The Oil Industry in the Niger Delta is dominated by multinational corporations such as Chevron, Texaco, Exxon- Mobil, Total, AGIP, SPDC, ELF and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Presently, there are over 600 oil fields, 5,284 onshore and offshore oil wells, 10 Export Terminals, 275 flow stations, 4 Refineries and a Liquefied Natural Gas project (Lubeck, Watts and Lipschitz, 2007:5). As at 2007, statistics shows that about 23, 183.9 billion barrel of crude oil were said to have been produced in the Niger Delta, which amounts to a staggering national revenue of 29.8 trillion naira (TELL, February 8, 2008:28).
Paradoxically, despite the abundance wealth the region parade, which is the fiscal basis of the Nigerian economy, majority of the ethnic minorities populated Niger Delta live in a state of chronic want. It is indeed factual, that the region epitomizes one of the extreme situations of poverty and under development in the mist of plenty. Infrastructural development is very low, while poverty and unemployment levels are very high. The poverty level is about 80 percent and unemployment level ranks 70%. Access to basic social amenities is very limited. Indeed, the region falls below the national average in all measures or indicators of development (Ibaba, 2005; 13-14). The cost of living in the Niger Delta is very high, and evens the prices of petroleum products is one of the highest in the country.
Unlike other oil producing nations of the world such as Qatar, United Arabs Emirate, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Canada etc, Oil has been a curse to the people of the Niger Delta. Its exploration and exploitation since 1958 has set in political, ecological and socio-economical conditions that generate abject poverty, misery and back wardness in the region. The region has over the years been deprived of peace, progress, justice and its resources that were expected to bring about good life to its inhabitants (Inokoba and Imbua, 2008: 547). Prior to the discovery and exploitation of oil and gas in the region, the primary occupation of the people was fishing and farming. It is however said to note that, oil exploration and exploitation has destroyed the subsistence economy of the people. Testimonies from various quarters lend credence to the claim that environmental degradation occasioned by oil spillages has made life extremely difficult for the local people. The destruction of farm lands, fishponds and rivers has radically altered the economic life of the once self-reliant and productive region for the worst (Okonta and Oronto, 2001:108). Oil related environmental multi-dimensional problems that have made life unbearable for the people of the Niger Delta includes: water and Land pollution as a result of spills and drilling activities, destruction of vegetation, deforestation, displacement of human settlements as a result of installation and location of exploration facilities such as crude oil and gas carrying pipes that cris-crossed most communities, loss of bio-diversity such as fauna and flora habitat, destruction of mangrove swamps and salt marsh, air pollution and acid ran from gas and oil processing evaporation and flaring, industrial solid waste disposal, and several others (Azaiki, 2003).
It is this paradox of suffering in the mist of plenty that inspired the Niger Deltans to make demands on the Nigerian state and multinational oil companies operating in the region to better improve their living conditions. But instead of redress, the people were visited with state violence, repression and brutalisation. The execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and nine other Ogoni men in 1995, and the invasion and occupation of Niger Delta communities such as Umuechem, Ogoni land, Opia, Tombia, Kaiama, Soku, Odi, Agee, Ezetu, Gbanramatu, Oporoza, peremabiri etc by the Nigerian military captures reality. Therefore, it is not surprising that the consciousness of exploitation, marginalisation and disempowerment has made the Niger Delta a region of deep rooted frustration, hence the militancy crisis.
In terms of oil production, the poor state of under development in the Niger Delta and the resultant militancy, literatures blames this on Federalism and the politics of revenue sharing in Nigeria (Okoko and Nna, 1997; Orabator et al, 2006; Ikporukpo, 1996; Ibaba, 2005); environmental injustice and human rights violation (Aaron, 2006; Okonta and Oronto, 2001); the failure of corporate social responsibility on the part of multinational oil companies (Ikelegbe, 2008; Clark, et al 1999); accountability and transparency failures in governance (Peel, 2005; Inokoba and Imbua, 2008); Enweremadu, 2008), hegemonic politics (Isumonah, 2005) and the obnoxious Laws that govern the oil industry (Ibaba, 2005).
The rise of consciousness of exploitation, marginalization and disempowerment that heralded violent oil agitations in the past decade is multidimensional. First is the 3 million Man march programme tagged “Youths Ennestly Ask for Abacha, that transported Youths from the Niger Delta and expose them to the contradiction between the beauty and splendour of Abuja (a city build with oil revenue) and the absence of modernity in the Towns and Villages in the Niger Delta where the oil wealth is produced. The others are the Kaiama Declaration Youths summit that give birth to the Ijaw Youths council with the motto Resource Control by any means possible; the Ijaws- OPC crisis of Lagos that exposed the Youths to the Egbesu Power; and lastly the 1999 general elections, that breeded armed thuggery. More light will be thrown on some of this issues later.
We must reiterate the fact that, it is the long decades of the Nigerian State trivialization of the genuine and peaceful agitation of the Niger Deltans that metamorphosed to the violent militant phase of oil agitations in the region. That is, the refusal of the Nigerian state to respond positively to the pens and placards of the Harold Dappa-Piriye’s and Ken Saro-Wiwa’s era creased an environment of anger and desperation. The struggle was thus militarized in response to the violent posture of the insensitive Nigerian state. This led to the emergence of armed groups such as Egbesu Boys, MEINBUTUS, Arogbo Freedom Fighters, Joint Revolutionary Council, Niger Delta Volunteer force, Adaka Marines and the dreaded Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) etc.
From the dialectic of violent oil agitations (militancy) in the Niger Delta, two major arguments appears discernable (Eseduwo, 2008). The first argument is that, violent oil agitations is as a result of the Nigerian government’s application of force in quelling non- violent agitations/protests for development and resource control (Nwabueze, 1999; Azaiki, 2009; Ebienra and Nwaodike, 2009). The second argument asserts that, militancy in the Niger Delta in the form of hostage – taking, kidnappings, pipeline vandalisation, hijacking, etc is as a result of frustration due to lack of education, poverty, unemployment and idleness of the youths in the region. It therefore contends that militants are not fighting for the socio-economic and political emancipation of the region, but simply to enrich themselves (Igini 2008; Ibeamu, 2000; Bariagh-Amange, 2009).
The truth remains that, there is no homogenity in terms of militant Characters, ambitions and activities. This is because, the militants creation process ushered in three different categories of militants in the Niger Delta. They are: peaceful resource agitators – militants category (General Tompolo, Alex Preye, Asaki Dokubo, Henry Okah etc); Cult groups – Militancy category (Ateke Tom, Soboma George etc) and the Political thugs – militancy category (General Africa, Commander Joshua, etc). The line separating the two later categories is very fluid. We will argue that it is the benefits of bunkering and kidnapping which accrues from militant activities that attracted the later categories to militancy and that explains the kidnapping of children and the aged, kidnapping of construction company workers etc in the region. The idea is that the struggle has been criminalized and exploited by elements that are products of the marginalisation, disempowerment and neglect that held sway in the region.
THE AMNESTY POLITICS IN THE NIGER DELTA
The declaration of Presidential amnesty on the 25th of June 2009 to all militants in the Niger Delta that willing surrender their guns on or before October 4th, 2009 demonstrate a new dimension to the politics of sustaining oil exploration and exploitation in the Niger Delta. The reason been that, the proliferation of militant groups spread over 500 camps in the Niger Delta and their activities such as destruction of Oil installations and facilities, kidnapping and hijacking of expatriate staffs of Oil multinational corporations, oil bunkering etc became the Achille heel of the Nigerian Oil Industry, which sustains the nation’s economy. That is, the activities of the militants adversely affected the oil and gas production capacity of the country and also constitute a serious threat to live and property in the region. For instance, the number of persons reportedly kidnapped or held hostage increased from 353 in 2008 to 512 in the first 4 months of 2009. In addition, the continued disruption being caused by the militant activities has also been cited as major threats to the operations of the electricity projects and local refineries. Therefore, the point ought to be clearly underlined that it is the combination of these economic factors that force the government to come up with the amnesty package in the hope that, it will pacify the militants and enable the multinational oil companies to resume full exploration and exportation of crude oil and gas (Social Democracy, 2009).
The most potent militant group in the region, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) launched daring raids into fortified oil installations onshore and offshore and kidnapped foreign oil workers, detonated explosive devices near oil compounds, and fought pitched battles on land and at sea with Nigeria’s military forces (Obi, 2008:16). MEND, prior to the amnesty offer almost succeed with its threats to “cripple the Nigerian Oil exports” (IRIN, 2006). The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) led by powerful and sophisticated field commanders such as Government Ekpemopolo (Tompolo), Farah Dagogo, Victor Ben Ebikabowei, (Boyloaf) etc, first crossed president Yar’Adua part in June, 2008 when the militants attached the Bonga Oil Platform (The Country’s biggest oil platform) located about 120 kilometers of the Nigerian Coast. It produced 225,000 barrels of crude oil per day on its computerized, production, storage and off-loading platform (Mbah, 2008).
The fact remains that, the use of the military option by the Federal Government through the instrumentality of the Joint Task Force (JTF), propelled the militants to acquire more sophisticated weapons to check-mate the military and carry on with their activities. For instance most militant groups in the Niger Delta were involved in illegal bunkering. And the proceeds from bunkering were used to acquire arms and ammunitions. The strategic nature of the region, the porous nature of our national borders and waterways and the attendant access of the militant to the high sea makes possible for the wolf syndicate that was always around to exchange Arms, sophisticated ones with the Boys for crude oil. Bunkering is the supplying of fuel or oil to a ship but in Southern Nigeria, it has come to mean the illegal process of tapping into pipelines, stealing the crude and selling it on domestic and foreign black markets. Most militant groups tapped in to this following spigot of oil money.
As we have argued elsewhere, the illegal bunkering that characterized militant activities in the Niger Delta is a creation of the Nigerian state. The argument is that, those who are licenced to carry out bunkering legally were predominantly non-Niger Deltans. And secondly, these legal bunkers in collaboration with corrupt State officials and the Oil companies introduced illegal bunkering in the region. Experience has shown and there is no denying the fact that, this infamous Nigerians and their foreign counterparts contacted able bodied unemployed youths in the Niger Delta to secure their illegal bunkering (that is excess of the government approved quota) badges to the high sea, where the crude oil is transferred to waiting vessels and money paid in hard currencies. The Youths were then paid peanuts, and provided with arms to secure future trips from customs and Naval patrols. As time goes on, the youths became conscious that, the job they are doing for their masters is highly profitable, and since they have mastered the trade, decided to set up their own bunkering networks. The violent insurgency in the region was driven by the lucrative oil smuggling business, and the proceeds used to produce sophisticated arms and ammunitions (Ebienta and Nwaodike, 2009). In February 2009 alone, the Nigerian military intercepted 22 barges of stolen crude oil in the creeks of the Niger Delta (Gilbert, 2009).
The spate of militancy in the pre-amnesty era in the Niger Delta took a huge toll in Nigeria’s Oil revenue. For instance, the execution of Hurricane Barbarossa, the hurricane of retaliation lunched by the movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), against military offensive consumed lives, property and oil installations. On September 14, 2008, Hurricane Barbarossa commenced with heavily armed fighters in hundreds of war boats filling out from different MEND bases in solidarity to carry out destructive attacks on the Oil Industry (Opukeme, 2008).
We must reiterate the fact that, the frequent attacks by militants almost crippled the Nigerian Oil Industry. The Report of the Ledum Mitee led Technical Committee on the Niger Delta estimated that: The country lost about N8,84 trillion or 61.6 billion dollars to oil theft and sabotage in the volatile region between 2006 and 2008. Details of the report show that in 2006 alone, the total cost of oil loss per barrel due to the activities of the militants is N2,45 trillion or 27.2 dollars while an additional N283 billion or 1.9 billion dollars was lost to Oil bunkering. In 2007, the country also lost N2.69 trillion or 18.8 billion to the debilitating Niger Delta crisis. Nigeria lost an estimated revenue of about 2.97 trillion naira to attacks an oil installations resulting in shutdowns and spillages in the first nine months of 2008 (Ajaero, 2009).
From a peak production of an average of 2.1 million barrels per day, achieved in March 2008, Nigeria’s production declined to 1.7 million barrels per day by May 2009. And with the retaliatory attacks by the militants in June, production hovers between 800,000 barrels per day and 1.2 million barrels per day. Shell Petroleum Development Company, SPDC, which account for about 60 percent of Nigeria’s production capacity, suffered the most disruption in its operations. From a previous production capacity of about one million barrels per day, Shell’s delivery drastically reduced to an alarming 140,000 barrels per day as at June 30, 2009 due to shut-ins, an 85.9 percent drop (Adeyemo, 2009). That is, Oil production in the pre-amnesty 2009 peaked in April at an average of 2.2 million barrels per day. But by July, it had declined to 2.004 million barrels per day with the face off in June between the militants and the Joint Task Force in the Niger Delta. The reason been that, when the JTF sacked the Tompolo led MEND faction from Camp 5, in Delta State in June, the militants blew up every pipeline on their way as they faded into the creeks. Consequently, oil production plummeted to less than one million barrels per day (Agbo, 2009:20).
The above existential reality presented the Nigerian president with two options: to continue with the military onslaught approach which was only increasing the strength of the militant groups and destruction of oil facilities; or to seek peace at all cost. The later option was adopted, and the President granted an unconditional amnesty to all the militants who choose to surrender their arms and ammunition. within a 60 day window that ended on the 4th of October 2009, with a 50 billion naira budget to execute the programme. Though, the leadership of the militants initially rejected the amnesty offer, they all later embraced it after serious politicking to give peace a chance in the region. We must emphasize that, the amnesty was highly political because it factored on interest protection and maximisation on the part of the federal government, which invariably is the hitch free production of oil and gas in the region. That is, it was the declining fortune of the nation’s main source of revenue that compelled Yar’Adua to proclaim a hasty amnesty to pacify the militants and perhaps get a breather for the economy, which was heading for crisis (Adeyemo, 2009) .
We wish to categorically posit that, juxtaposing the poor and deplorable condition of the Niger Delta amidst condition of the Niger Delta amidst the wealth that the region generate to sustain the Nigerian economy, the use of State violence to suppress peaceful agitations etc, the Federal Government has no moral cum legal justification to brand freedom Fighters as criminals and granting them amnesty. What is the justification of telling indigenes of Odi, Oporoza, Gbaramatu, Umuechem, Choba, Agee, Okerenkoro, Ogoni land etc that the Federal government has pardoned them. Pardon for what? In an ideal situation, it is the Niger Deltans that should be thinking of forgiving the Nigerian government for the numerous atrocities carried out against them. Moreso, there is no denying the fact that, the amnesty programme was not well planned. The reason been, that, the initial step on the part of Nigerian government ought to have been militants and arms audit in the region. A comprehensive audit of the rank and file of the militant population in the Niger Delta, would have afforded the Federal Government the opportunity to ascertain strength and arm capacity in the region.
But since that was not done, it is difficult to ascertain whether the arms surrendered by the militants in the arms collection centres across the region actually represent the arms capacity of such groups. Furthermore, the government’s amorphous amnesty menu, which offers tripartite rehabilitation jobs, skills acquisition (including education) and private business – does not suit all the targeted beneficiaries (Agbo, 2009:22). Again, it is as if government exists for corruption to thrive, where as the amnesty package was heavily monetised, the crisis of non-payment of allowances to militants clearly pictures, corruption in the programme. In Bayelsa state for instance, the tense rivalry cum battle between Governor Timipre Slyra and Chief Timi Alaibe, (the Honourary Adviser to president Yar’Adua) on whose platform the militant in the state surrender their weapons also captures the political dimension of the amnesty programme.
In essence, we subscribe to view that the amnesty policy was formulated and implemented to ensure free flow of Oil production. It was a panacea to raise money for the fast approaching 2011 general elections. And simply, an avenue for reconciliation with militants, especially the cult groups – militancy and political thugs – militancy categories that carry out illegal, unconstitutional but deterministic roles in elections. The argument is that the frequent attacks on militant locations led to strain relationships between the militant class and political elites in the region. The reason has been that, the Niger Delta play crucial roles in our national elections. That is, the block votes from the Niger Delta always determine winners of our national elections.
CONCLUSION
Though all known militants in the creeks of the Niger Delta embraced the amnesty programme, it will only translate to total success if the lack of development and repressive measures of the Nigerian state are adequately addressed. This is because, oil is a non-renewable resource and the consciousness of exploitation in the Niger Delta is very high. Therefore any policy that will not lead to sustainable development in the region is doomed to fail.
We therefore recommend that: Government should fast track the execution of capital intensive projects in the region such as building of bridges, Hospitals, tertiary institutions, construction of roads and railways, cleaning up of the polluted environment etc. The military joint Task Force should also be withdrawn from the region. Government should be more accountable and committed in satisfying the needs of the region and discontinue the politisation of issues that affects the Niger Delta.
Moreso, due to the constant agitations and widespread culture of militancy in the region, there is need for critical and wholistic resocialization of the youthful population affected by the militancy culture cum mentality in other to for stall future occurrences. On the part of the repentant militants, government should evolve modalities to understudy them and make provisions for sustainable employment, education and business commitments as the case may be. There should also be caution to avoid intra-conflicts between them to avert dragging the region to the bad waters of violence. The fact remains that if the Nigerian Government is not committed to develop the Niger Delta, violence agitation in the region would be inevitable.
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GLOBALISATION AND THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS

Globalization and the Niger Delta Crisis
By
Ebienfa, Kimiebi Imomotimi
Department of Political Science,
University of Ibadan,
Kemofas0958@yahoo.com
And

Nwaodike, Chibuzor A.
Department of Political Science and Public Administration,
Babcock University.
dkchibuzo@yahoo.com


ABSTRACT


It is truism that the Niger Delta region epitomizes a dialectics of wealth and power. However, the fan shaped oil rich Niger Delta as the bedrock of the Nigerian economy remains one of the least developed parts of the country. This scenario has thrown up debate among academics and waves of crisis in the region which are attributed to long years of neglect, marginalization among others in the region. Hence, the advent of restive’ and militant groups, that presently characterize the region.

The paper argues that internationalization of the Niger Delta Crisis is an offshoot of globalization. The reason being that, advances in communication and information technologies, now have serious implications and outcomes on the Niger Delta Crisis.

The paper focuses on the activities of the Nigerian State, Militant Groups and Multinational Corporation and concludes that globalization has helped to reveal the activities of the Nigerian State and Multinationals. More so, it has swell up the capacity of Militant Groups with direct implications on oil and gas production.

Key words: Globalization. Niger Delta, Nigerian State.





INTRODUCTION
Nigeria is again the cynosure of the global eye following the recent crises in the Niger-Delta region. The crises spanning from struggles driven by the quest for equal access to critical oil resources and power, self determination, ethnic autonomy, revenue allocation politics and the decentralization of a hegemonic federal power in the context of shrinking oil reserves (Obi, 2006). The region known to be one of the most blessed in human and material resources and fetched Nigeria over 90% of its revenue is however, left in its trail poverty, frustration and underdevelopment.
The Niger Delta, which derives its name from River Niger, is one of the world largest wetlands covering some 70,000km2 formed by the accumulation of sedimentary deposits transported by the Niger and Benue Rivers (Azaiki, 2007:1, World Bank Report; 1993:1).The Niger Delta Communities have settled in the area for many millennia with the Ijaws being the oldest group, having lived there for over 7,000 years (Alagoa, 2000:3). Geographically, the Niger Delta consist of areas identified with deltaic characteristics in the southern part of Nigeria which include Bayelsa, Rivers and Delta State) and parts of Akwa Ibom, cross River, Edo and Ondo states. This means, the idea of categorizing all oil producing states as Niger Delta is wrong. Over 7 million Nigerians inhabit the area with over 20 ethnic groups and about 800 communities (Okoko and Ibaba 1997:57).
The Niger Delta is the hub of oil and gas production in Nigeria, accounting for about 80% of total government revenue, 95% of foreign exchange earnings, 95% of National Budget and over 80% of National wealth (Tell, February 18, 2008:33). The oil Industry in the Niger Delta is dominated by multinational corporations such as chevron Texaco, Exxon-Mobil, Total, Agip, SPDC, ELF and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).Presently, there are over 600 oil fields 5,284 Onshore and Offshore oil wells, 10 Export Terminals, 275 flow stations, 4 refineries and Liquefied National Gas project (Lubeck, Watts & Lipschutz, 2007:5). As at 2007, statistics shows that about 23,183.9 billion barracks of crude oil were said to have been produced in the Niger Delta which amounts to a staggering national revenue of 29.8 trillion naira (Tell, February 18, 2008:28).
Paradoxically, despite this tremendous natural resource base, the Niger Delta region represents one of the extreme situations of poverty and underdevelopment. Infrastructural development is very low, while poverty and unemployment level is about 80%, and unemployment ranks 85%. Access to basic social amenities is very limited. Indeed the region falls below the national average in all measures or indicators of development (Ibaba, 2005:13-14). The cost of living in the Niger Delta is very high and even the prices of petroleum producers are some of the highest in the country. Various attempt to redress the situation have resulted to government failing to play the role of a father and resorted to brutalization of the peace of the Niger-Delta through her impatience with, and violent intolerance of protest against the quagmire in the sub-region. The arrest, trial and sentencing to death of Isaac Boro and his colleagues for their protest against the suppression of the Izon in particular and the Niger Delta in general in 1966, the inspired murder of the Ogoni four as a preface to the judicial murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa and his colleagues in 1995; the murderous sack of Kaiama in 1998 on the first anniversary of the “Kaiama Declaration”; the massacre of Odi in 1999 are simply a dimension of that violent intolerance of protest (Ekpebu, 2008).
Thus, these acts of violence could have been targeted at oil corporations and the federal government whom are the primary beneficiaries of the oil region at the expense of the local people, the truth of the matter is that, the crises which had taking a different shape are intended to be heard around the world, and has drawn not only national recognition, but had captured international attention as well. The paper seeks to examine the influences of globalization to the Niger Delta crises, the terrain at which the crises occur, i.e. the Niger Delta, the nature of the Nigerian State, activities of the key players, Oil theft in the region, the effect of the crises to global oil price. The paper employs descriptive and analytical method in examining globalization and the crisis in the Niger Delta. Secondary data is used to source for information. These include relevant textbooks, journals, magazines, newspaper and internet.
CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION OF TERMS
Globalization
The review of related literature on the concept of “globalization” reveals that is the greater movement of people, goods, capital and ideas due to increased economic integration which in turn is propelled by increased trade and investment. It is more or less like moving towards living on a borderless world.
According to Jan Scholte (1997) globalization refers to processes whereby social relations acquire relatively distance – less and borderless qualities, so that human lives are increasingly played out in the word as a single place. Social relations – that is, the countless and complex ways that people interact with and affect each other – are more and more being conducted and organized on the bases of a planetary unit. By the same token country locations, and in particular the boundaries between territorial states, are in some important senses becoming less central to our lives, although they do remain significant globalization is thus an on-going trend whereby the world has – in many respects and at a generally accelerating rate become one relatively borderless social sphere”.
Whereas the above definition views globalization from social relations perspective, United Nations relates it in economic context. That is, “the reduction and removal of barriers between national borders in order to facilitate the flow of goods, capital, services and labour …. although considerable barriers remain to the flow of labour…”
Aja Akpuru-Aja and Emeribe (2000) went further to define it in international political economy perspective, that is, “globalization reflects the greater openness of national and international economies to greater flows of trade, finance, capital, high technology, foreign direct investment (FDI), and market integration offerings. The engineering mechanism of globalization remains the revolution in science and technology, particularly as it affects transportation and electro-communication systems. The net result is the creation of a global village, a single market system, a global factory and global office. One result of globalization is grotesque and dangerous polarization between peoples and countries benefiting form the system and those that are merely recipients and reactionaries of the effects”.
Saskia Sassen (2006) argue that a good part of a globalization consists of an enormous variety of micro-process that begin to denationalize what had been constructed as national – whether policies, capital, political subjectivities, urban spaces, temporal frames, or any other of a variety of dynamics and domains.
Norom Chomsky (2006) opine that the word globalization is also used, in a doctrinal sense to describe the neoliberal form of economic globalization. Whereas, Thomas L. Friedman examined the impact of the “flattening” of the world and argue that globalised trade, outsourcing, supply-changing and political forces have changed the world permanently, for both better and worse. He contend that the pace of globalization is quickening, and will continue to have a growing impact on business organization and practice.
Herman E. Daly (2006) went further to differentiate between globalization and internationalization. Although they are used interchangeably, but he argue that there is a significant formal difference between them. In his words, “the term internationalization refers the importance of international trade, relations, treaties etc. Owing to the (hypothetical) immobility of labour and capital between or among nations”.
Thus, globalization is the sharing of goods, services, knowledge and cultures between people and countries, but in recent years improved technologies and a reduction of barriers means the speed of exchange is much faster. It provides opportunities and challenges. Bigger markets can mean bigger profit which leads to greater wealth for investing in development and reducing poverty in many countries. Weak domestic policies, institutions and infrastructure and trade barriers can restrict a country’s ability to take advantages of the changes. Each country makes decisions and policies that position them to maximize the benefits and minimize the challenges presented by globalization.

THE NIGERIAN STATE
The chief role of the state is the maintenance of social and political order in society. This however has been a subject of debate and contention between liberalism and maxism. The point of argument here is on whose favour the state imposes order. The liberal view is that, the state is neutral in the exercise of power and therefore, it does not promote one interest against other. The Marxist view of the state on the other hand contends that the state favour the interest of the ruling class that controls it (Ekekwe, 1986:10). Thus, in a capitalist state like Nigeria, the state promotes the interest of the bourgeosie which controls it. And from an available evidence, the state plays this role through legislation (Okodudu & Girigiri, 1998:34). It is thus not surprising that the laws cum policies of the Nigerian state reflects the interest of the dominant ruling class. The obnoxious laws that govern the oil industry such as the petroleum Act of 1969, land use Art of 1978 etc. disempowers the Niger Deltas from benefiting from the resources produced in their domains.
Following a critical performance evaluation of the Nigerian State, particularly after the legendary inflow of petro dollar (since the 1970’s) scholars have described the Nigerian state as exploitative, cruel, and irresponsible (Ake, 1981, Okowa, 2005), illegitimate, oppressive and repressive (Okaba; 2003), weak, captured, dependent and hegemonic (Orugbani 2002) ethnically factionalised and privatized by a class of kleptocratic elites to protect their tenuous relationship to the productive forces (Etemini, 2004) and lacks autonomy (Ake, 2001).The ruling class capitalizes on the character of the state to direct state resources to their selfish interest cum aggrandizement. The people are thus disconnected from the state that purportedly exists to protect their interest, and that captures reality in the Niger Delta.
THE IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION ON THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS
Hardly a day passes, without reports in the international and local news media on the growing insurgency by armed militias in Nigeria’s oil rich province, the Niger Delta. There are two incontrovertible facts about the Niger Delta region of Nigeria: First, it is a region of strategic importance to both the domestic and international economics. Secondly, it is a region of great and troubling paradox. It is an environment of great wealth as well as inhuman poverty (Inokoba and Imbua; 2008:643).The dilemma of the region is that, its wealth and riches has become a source of poverty, squalor and curse to the people of the oil bearing communities. The truth is that, despite its invaluable contribution to the sustenance of the Nigerian State, the Niger delta is now home to some of Africa’s poorest people and some of its worst cases of environmental destruction. In return for their generosity, and patriotism, Nigeria has rewarded the Niger Delta with severe neglect and abandonment, political and economic deprivation, mindless looting of revenue generated from the region, joblessness, biochemical poisoning through pollution, brutal military assaults (as well as occupation) (www. unitedIjawstates.com).Progress has been put in the reverse in most Niger Delta communities. For instance, the best Nigerian state could do to immortalize Oloibiri (where oil was first discovered) thus far has been the erection of a commemorative pillar cum foundation stone for a non-existent Nigerian institute for oil and Gas research besides the No. 1. Oil well in March 2001.
It is truism that the power relations of the MNCS with their host states is said to be sophisticated, ruthless, hegemonical, secretive, unorthodox, exploitative, treacherous, greedy, opportunistic, criminalized and corrupt (Watts 1999, Obi 2001). They are self interested, insensitive and poorly responsive to local and regional dimensions of environmental issues (Warper 1996) and hostile to civil society (Makumbe, 1998). In the Niger Delta therefore, interest of the Oil multinational is squarely profit maximization and they thus disregard existing global environmental regulations and laws and capitalized in their weaks and ineffective enforcement and implementation.
Globalization has helped to reveal that, naked and surface gas flaming, non challant attitude to oil spillage cases, surface pipe laying etc are not obtainable in western countries, where same oil corporations operate. Natural gas, a bye-product of crude oil extraction, could earn the Nigerian government huge revenues. But companies choose to flare it, mainly due to the high cost associated with harnessing gas and low penalty that flaring attracts. And because of the weak and dependent nature of the Nigerian state, gas flaring has continued unabated.
Moreso, the Oil Multinational Corporations through their policies have been implicated in local conflicts through their pay offs to “pro-company groups, elites, militias and chiefs. Such pay offs have either been the object of conflicts or division within and between communities, while some of it has ended up for the payment for arms to unleash further violence on the groups or the oil companies themselves (Obi, 2005:18). The impurity of oil multinationals, therefore have also fueled the crisis in the region.
Therefore, it is not surprising that the consciousness of exploitation, marginalization and disempowerment has made the Niger Delta a region of deep rooted frustration, hence the escalating crisis. That is, the refusal of the Nigerian state to respond positively to the pens and placards of the Saro-Wiwa’s era has created an environment of anger and desperation. Moreso, the dialogue option have equally failed because the Nigerian state have refused to implement numerous blue prints for development in the region. The youths have militarilised the resource control struggle to press home their demands.
The most potent militant group engaging in local resistance, but targeting a global audience is the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). MEND has launched daring raids into fortified oil installations onshore and offshore and kidnapped foreign oil workers, detonated explosive devices near oil compounds, and fought pitched battles on land and sea with Nigeria’s military forces, and publicized its activities on various global media. That is by using the internet to send e-mails and images to the world’s leading news agencies and local newspapers and even taking journalists to its camps in the swamps of the Niger Delta. It has however, gained most attention internationally by its threats to “cripple the Nigeria Oil export (Obi, 2008:16, Junger 2007, IRIN 2006). The advent of GSM in Nigeria, a product of globalization has improved communication. The militants are also using this medium to network and publicize their activities. Obviously, it appears that the militants anger is against government and oil companies which, in tandem with the Oloibiri metaphor are held responsible for the plunder and pollution of the Niger Delta.
IMPACT OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS ON GLOBAL PRICE OF OIL
Globalized oil is emblematic of the social relations arising from the globalization of oil production and accumulation. This reflects the growing interconnectedness, world-wide of the following: highly industrialized oil consuming countries and developing oil producing countries, oil multinationals and local oil producing communities, and global and local civil society (Obi, 2004:444).
Due to the inter dependent and interconnectedness of the global economy, activities in a sub-structure, directly affects the whole. It is thus factual that where as globalization have facilitated the exploration and production of oil by multinational corporations from the West in the developing countries, it has also made it possible for the Niger Delta crisis to have an impact in the price of oil in the global market.
Nigeria is a member of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) since 1971, to maintain a favourable price for oil, OPEC allocated quotas for oil production to its members. The logic is that, unregulated production will lead to surplus oil for sale which win reduce the global price, while regulated production level will lead to stability and increase in the global oil price.Common sensically, the inability of any OPEC member state to meet up its quota of production will invariably result to the reduction in the supply of global oil and hence, increase in price.The production quota for Nigeria in 2008 was 2.45 million barracks per day. But presently, it is 3.2 million barriers per day (Tell, February 18, 2998:26, The Nation, Thursday May 21, 2009:2). Be that as it, the activities of militants in the Niger Delta has made it impossible for Nigeria to realize its quota for production. Infact, the spate of militancy in the Niger Delta has made Nigerian oil fields among the most dangerous in the world.As a result of insecurity of our national borders and the proliferation of arms, armed militant groups operating in the Niger Delta have graduated to a new level of lethality, technical and tactical sophistication. The availability of AK47’s in the Niger Delta has increased tremendously and the militant groups likely poses remote detonation and night vision equipment, a well as anti-aircraft missiles (Ianaccone, A, 2007:2).Statistics shows that production sometimes decline to as low as 1.6million barrels per day (Newswatch, May 4, 2009:16), which alters the global price of oil.
OIL THEFT IN THE NIGER DELTA
Oil Bunkering is a major factor in the Niger Delta crisis. There are two basic typologies of bunkering in the Nigerian oil industry, which include legal and illegal bunkering. As the name implies, legal bunkering refers to the activities of those licensed to lift crude oil by the Federal government. While illegal bunkering connotes the activities of those who carry out bunkering without government authorization.
The illegal bunkering that presently characterize militant activities in the Niger Delta is a creation of the Nigerian State. The argument is that, those who are licenced to carry out bunkering legally are predominantly non-Niger Deltans. And secondly, those legal bunkers in collaboration with corrupt states officials and the oil companies introduce illegal bunkering in the region.
Experience has shown and there is no denying the fact that, this infamous Nigerians and their foreign counterparts contacted able bodied unemployed youths in the Niger Delta to secure their illegal Bunkering barges to the high sea, where the crude oil is transferred to waiting vessels and money paid in hard currencies. The boys were then paid peanuts, and provided with arms to secure future trips from Customs and Naval patrols. As time goes on, the boys became conscious that, the job they are doing for their masters is highly profitable, and since they have mastered the trade, they decided to set up their own bunkering networks. Today, virtually all militant groups in the Niger Delta are involved in oil theft or bunkering which is made positive by globalization. All they need to do is to identify pipelines heading to the export terminals and then connect their drilling pipes to them. The violent insurgency in the region is thus driven by the lucrative oil smuggling business, and the proceeds are used to procure sophisticated arms and ammunitions.
There is a direct link between globalization and oil theft in the region, because, crude oil tapped by gangs in the oil rich Niger Delta is sold to vessels waiting offshore for onward shipment to the global market (Gilbert, 2009:1). In February alone, the Nigerian military intercepted 22 barges of stolen crude oil in the creeks of the Niger Delta. Although President Umaru Yar’Adua has called for international action to stop the illegal oil trade, and to categorize stolen crude from Nigeria as blood oil, not much has been achieved in that regard.
Foreign business interests are arming the militants in exchange for stolen crude oil. The fact is that the price for crude oil per barrel in the international black market is very cheap, hence western capitalist want the crude desperately and that has continue to fuel the crisis. Nigeria loses about 100,000 barrels of oil per day to crude oil theft and that translates to about 10 million dollars per day. The report of the Technical committee on the Niger Delta estimated that the country lost about N8.84 trillion or 61.6 trillion dollars to oil theft and sabotage in the volatile region between 2006 and 2008 (Newswatch, May 4, 2009:12).Crude oil is not sold in bottles, they use ships. Oil theft is therefore facilitated by the collaborating global actors which is a disadvantage of globalization.
CONCLUSION
It is now glaring that whereas oil should have been a blessing to the Niger Delta, the fundamental character of the Nigerian State and the exploitative activities of the Oil multinationals have translated basically to negative effects.
This comes in form of dislocation of the local economics, environmental degradation, inter and intra communal crisis, corruption, development crisis, looting and squandering of oil resources etc.
The resource agitations and militant insurgency in the region is thus facilitated by the information of what is obtainable in other oil producing western states, hence the call for redress. But since the militants are feeding on their global bunkering networks to sustain the struggle, much need to be done (locally, nationally and internationally) urgently to curtail the crisis.
The Nigerian State need to be committed to the development of the Niger Delta, especially, massive infrastructural development to open up the region. The multinational corporations should also abide by global environmental standards and better the lots of their host communities. And in terms of bunkering Nigeria should improve security especially in the high sea to delinks the bunkering networks.
Again, those that have criminalized the struggle and their international collaborators must be brought to book, to allow oil to translate to regional prosperity.







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